But you’d never know it, judging by the pervasive denials by Muslims and Muslim-apologist dhimmis in the government, military, and especially the media.
Starting with 9/11 and right up to the latest Islamic terror attacks in Boston, we’ve been bombarded with denials that Islam had anything to do with the Muslim terrorist bombings by the likes of Hamas front group CAIR and all its Muslim Brotherhood affiliates, not to mention the Muslim-sympathizing TV and Cable networks – all except FOX, George W. Bush, Barack Hussein Obama, Democrat politicians, Homeland Security, and even military brass like the General at Ft. Hood who said “diversity is more important than 13 dead soldiers.”
CounterJihadReport (Daniel Pipes) Over three years after Maj. Nidal Malik Hasan’s massacre at Ft. Hood, Texas, in November 2009, the classification of his crime remains in dispute. In its wisdom, the Department of Defense, supported by law enforcement, politicians, journalists, and academics, deems the killing of thirteen and wounding of forty-three to be “workplace violence.” For example, the 86-page study on preventing a repeat episode, Protecting the Force: Lessons from Fort Hood, mentions “workplace violence” sixteen times.
In contrast, members of congress ridiculed the “workplace violence” characterization and a coalition of 160 victims and family members recently released a video, “The Truth About Fort Hood,” criticizing the administration. On the third anniversary of the massacre, 148 victims and family members sued the U.S. government for avoiding legal and financial responsibility by not acknowledging the incident as terrorism. Indeed, were the subject not morbid, one could be amused by the disagreement over what exactly caused the major to erupt. Speculations included “racism” against him, “harassment he had received as a Muslim,” his “sense of not belonging,” “mental problems,” “emotional problems,” “an inordinate amount of stress,” the “worst nightmare” of his being deployed to Afghanistan, or something fancifully called “pre-traumatic stress disorder.” One newspaper headline, “Mindset of Rogue Major a Mystery,” sums up this bogus state of confusion.
The military leadership willfully ignores what stares them in the face, namely Hasan’s clear and evident Islamist inspiration; Protecting the Force mentions “Muslim” and “jihad” not a single time, and “Islam” only once, in a footnote. The massacre officially still remains unconnected to terrorism or Islam.
This example fits in a larger pattern: The establishment denies that Islamism—a form of Islam that seeks to make Muslims dominant through an extreme, totalistic, and rigid application of Islamic law, the Shari’a—represents the leading global cause of terrorism when it so clearly does. Islamism reverts to medieval norms in its aspiration to create a caliphate that rules humanity. “Islam is the solution” summarizes its doctrine. Islam’s public law can be summarized as elevating Muslim over non-Muslim, male over female, and endorsing the use of force to spread Muslim rule. In recent decades, Islamists (the adherents of this vision of Islam) have established an unparalleled record of terrorism.
To cite one tabulation: TheReligionOfPeace.com counts 20,000 assaults in the name of Islam since 9/11, or about five a day. In the West, terrorist acts inspired by motives other than Islam hardly register.
It is important to document and explain this denial and explore its implications. The examples come predominantly from the United States, though they could come from virtually any Western country—except Israel.
The government, press, and academy routinely deny that Islamist motives play a role in two ways, specific and general. Specific acts of violence perpetrated by Muslims lead the authorities publicly, willfully, and defiantly to close their eyes to Islamist motivations and goals. Instead, they point to a range of trivial, one-time, and individualistic motives, often casting the perpetrator as victim. Examples from the years before and after 9/11 include:
- 1990 Muslim assassination of Rabbi Meir Kahane in New York: “A prescription drug for … depression.”
- 1991 Muslim murder of Makin Morcos in Sydney: “A robbery gone wrong.”
- 1993 Muslim murder of Reverend Doug Good in Western Australia: An “unintentional killing.”
- 1993 Muslim attack on foreigners at a hotel in Cairo, killing ten: Insanity.
- 1994 Muslim killing of a Hasidic Jew on the Brooklyn Bridge: “Road rage.”
- 1997 Muslim shooting murder atop the Empire State Building: “Many, many enemies in his mind.”
- 2000 Muslim attack on a bus of Jewish schoolchildren near Paris: A traffic incident.
- 2002 Muslim double murder at El Al terminal at LAX: “A work dispute.”
- 2002 Muslim Beltway snipers: A “stormy [family] relationship.”
- 2003 Muslim Hasan Karim Akbar‘s attack on fellow soldiers, killing two: An “attitude problem.”
- 2003 Muslim mutilation murder of Sebastian Sellam: Mental illness.
- 2004 Muslim explosion in Brescia, Italy outside a McDonald’s restaurant: “Loneliness and depression.”
- 2005 Muslim rampage at a retirement center in Virginia: “A disagreement between the suspect and another staff member.”
- 2006 Muslim murderous rampage at the Jewish Federation of Greater Seattle: “An animus toward women.”
- 2006 Muslim killing by SUV in northern California: “His recent, arranged marriage may have made him stressed.”
This pattern of denial is all the more striking because it concerns distinctly Islamic forms of violence such as suicide operations, beheadings, honor killings and the disfiguring of women’s faces. For example, when it comes to honor killings, Phyllis Chesler has established that this phenomenon differs from domestic violence and, in Western countries, is almost always perpetrated by Muslims. Such proofs, however, do not convince the establishment, which tends to filter Islam out of the equation.
The generalized threat inspires more denial. Politicians and others avoid mention of Islam, Islamism, Muslims, Islamists, mujahideen, or jihadists. Instead, they blame evildoers, militants, radical extremists, terrorists, and al-Qaeda. Just one day after 9/11, U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell set the tone by asserting that the just-committed atrocities “should not be seen as something done by Arabs or Islamics; it is something that was done by terrorists.”
Another tactic is to obscure Islamist realities under the fog of verbiage. George W. Bush referred once to “the great struggle against extremism that is now playing out across the broader Middle East” and another time to “the struggle against ideological extremists who do not believe in free societies and who happen to use terror as a weapon to try to shake the conscience of the free world.” He went so far as to dismiss any Islamic element by asserting that “Islam is a great religion that preaches peace.”
In like spirit, Barack Obamaobserved that “it is very important for us to recognize that we have a battle or a war against some terrorist organizations, but that those organizations aren’t representative of a broader Arab community, Muslim community.” Obama’s attorney general, Eric Holder, engaged in the following exchange with Lamar Smith (Rep., Texas) during congressional testimony in May 2010, repeatedly resisting a connection between Islamist motives and a spate of terrorist attacks:
And on and on Holder persisted, until Smith eventually gave up. And this was not exceptional: An almost identical denial took place in December 2011 by a senior official from the Department of Defense.
Or one can simply ignore the Islamist element; a study issued by the Department of Homeland Security, Evolution of the Terrorist Threat to the United States, mentions Islam just one time. In September 2010, Obama spoke at the United Nations and, using a passive construction, avoided all mention of Islam in reference to 9/11: “Nine years ago, the destruction of the World Trade Center signaled a threat that respected no boundary of dignity or decency.” About the same time, Janet Napolitano, the secretary of homeland security, stated that the profiles of Americans engaged in terrorism indicate that “there is no ‘typical’ profile of a homegrown terrorist.“
Newt Gingrich, the former speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, rightly condemns this mentality as “two plus two must equal something other than four.”
Note to the reader: This is the first article in a three-part survey of “Denying Islam’s Role in Terror.” The other two parts, by Teri Blumenfeld and David Rusin, look at the specific phenomenon of denial in the FBI and the U.S. military, respectively.